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Jonathan Adams

The Dreadful Genius of the Obama Moment

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Inaugurating Multiculturalist White Supremacy
By Dylan Rodríguez

What happens to the politics of antiracism when the phenotype of white
supremacy “changes?” At the risk of being scolded for offending the
optimistic spirit of this historical moment, I offer these thoughts
with a different kind of hope: that the spectacle and animus of the
Obama campaign, election, and presidency fail, and fail decisively, to
domesticate, discipline, and contain a politics of radical opposition
to a U.S. nation-building project that now insists on the diversity of
the American “we,” while leaving so many for dead.

To be clear: the political work of liberation from racist state
violence—and everything it sanctions and endorses, from premature
death to poverty—becomes more complex, contradictory, and difficult
now. The dreadful genius of the multiculturalist Obama moment is that
it installs a "new" representative figure of the United States that,
in turn, opens "new" possibilities for history's slaves, savages, and
colonized to more fully identify with the same nation-building project
that requires the neutralization, domestication, and strategic
elimination of declared aliens, enemies, and criminals. In this
sense, I am less anxious about the future of the "Obama
administration" (whose policy blueprint is and will be relatively
unsurprising) than I am about the speed and effectiveness with which
it has rallied the sentimentality and political investment (often in
terms of actual dollar contributions and voluntary labor) of the
purported U.S. "Left."

Celebratory liberal multiculturalist patriotism, in whatever complex
and historically laden form it assumes, is a deadly compromise. I
recognize, with all due respect, that millions are moved to tears as
they recognize in Obama the promise of a fulfilled democratic
(Black/multicultural) citizenship—the national fraud that millions
have bled, died, and cried over, before and beyond the Civil Rights
Movement—while weeping joyfully at the possibility of (their children
and grandchildren) finally becoming human in a place that seems
obsessed with destroying, dehumanizing, and humiliating.

Living in a history of racism, genocide, and everyday suffering is a
heavy thing, and moments of optimism are preciously rare. This is why
the historical burden is multiplied for those who care to address the
euphoria with a different kind of urgency: to move against the
visceral sentimentality of the moment and insist, over and over again,
that optimism endorses terror when its premises are removed from—and
therefore unaccountable to—liberation struggle in all its wonderful
forms. It is worth restating that the historical point of departure
for liberation politics is uncompromising opposition to a
racist/colonialist/imperialist state (regardless of who leads it), and
a willingness to pursue wild but principled ambitions for the sake of
achieving the political fantasy of radical freedom. Herein, the
pending inauguration of an authentically multiculturalist white
supremacy entails, at best, a change of leadership for a mind-numbing
apparatus of normalized repression and mass-based social violence, the
one that capably imprisons well over 2.5 million people (most of them
poor, Black, and Brown) in cages all over the world and will kill well
over 2 million Iraqi, Afghanis and Palestinian civilians (through a
combination of blockades, bombs, and "diplomacy") in the span of less
than a generation. This apparatus is the one thing that will not
change, even as some entrust the Obama administration with the
arrogant hopes of a reduced global body count.

Putting aside, for the moment, the liberal valorization of Obama as
the less-bad or (misnamed) "progressive" alternative to the horrible
specter of a Bush-McCain national inheritance, we must come to terms
with the inevitability of the Obama administration as a refurbishing,
not an interruption or abolition, of the normalized violence of the
American national project. To the extent that the subjection of
indigenous, Black, and Brown people to regimes of displacement and
suffering remains the condition of possibility for the reproduction
(or even the reinvigoration) of an otherwise eroding American global
dominance, the figure of Obama represents a new inhabitation of white
supremacy's structuring logics of violence.

This is to say, Obama's ascendancy hallmarks the obsolescence of
"classical" white supremacy as a model of dominance based on white
bodily monopoly, and celebrates the emergence of a sophisticated,
flexible, "diverse" (or neoliberal) white supremacy as the heartbeat
of the American national form. The signature of the "post-civil
rights" period is precisely marked by such changes—compulsory and
voluntary—in the comportment, culture, and workforce of white
supremacist institutions: selective elements of police and military
forces, global corporations, and major research universities are
diversely colored, while their marching orders continue to mobilize
the familiar labors of death-making (arrest and justifiable homicide,
fatal peacekeeping, overfunded weapons research, etc.). While the
phenotype of white supremacy changes—and change it must, if it is to
remain viable under changed historical conditions—its internal
coherence as a socialized logic of violence and dominance is sustained
and redeemed.

Candidate Barack Obama's "A More Perfect Union" speech, arguably the
definitive moment of his campaign for the U.S. presidency, provides a
useful elaboration of this change in the political structure of white
supremacy. Given that this was one of the few moments in the campaign
in which Obama actually addressed "race" as a political issue rather
than a descriptive matter-of-fact, a close attention to the oration
reveals something about the premises of the new multiculturalist,
nationalist optimism. Lifting its title from the opening sentence of
the U.S. Constitution, Obama's denunciation of Chicago pastor and
Black liberation theologian Jeremiah Wright begins with a backhanded
caricature of racial chattel slavery that replicates the classical
liberal denial of the nation's constitutive—in fact
Constitutional—patriarchal white supremacist conditions of
possibility:

"The document [the nation's founders] produced was eventually signed
but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original
sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the
convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave
trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any
final resolution to future generations."

Obama's condemnation of "original sin" begets the white Christian
nation's perpetual forgiveness and redemption, but also anticipates
the pessimism of those who would rightfully allege that white
supremacy's visceral structures of dominance are endemic to American
national reproduction. This attempts to erase the indelible: the
social and economic system that rests on the subjection of Africans as
racial chattel is not a compartmentalized or reconcilable event in the
American white racial destiny, but is the foundation of what legal
scholar Cheryl Harris has called the ongoing legal consolidation of
whiteness as property, a consolidation that can only occur at the
expense of those who are dispossessed and/or actually owned by the
white nation.

Thus, while Obama's otherwise stale re-narration of white supremacist
nation-building falls back on an allegory of the sinning-forgiven
white body politic, his comportment of "electability" proposes an
authoritative black/multiracial/multicultural patriotism that
rejuvenates the rhetorical matrix of contemporary white supremacy. He
is "presidential" precisely because he galvanizes admiration and
reverence through a paean to the historical imagination of the white
slaveholding nation. Obama fetishizes racist/slave "democracy" as a
piece of the American national mythology, a moral tale of vindication
that alleviates the white nation's guilty burdens of the racial
present. More importantly, it permanently defers the political
obligation of confronting an enduring and present white supremacist
social form.

"Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded
within our Constitution—a Constitution that had at its very core the
ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised
its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should
be perfected over time."

A vast and deep body of scholarly critique and radical social thought
has thoroughly refuted the common sense of the U.S. Constitution as a
magical and morally transcendent document that has timelessly valued
the "ideal of equal citizenship" within its philosophical
architecture. In fact, the most incisive critical race theorists
argue that the opposite is closer to the historical truth: it is the
ongoing racial-national project of determining which aliens and
nominal "citizens" are to be marginalized and excluded from the
entitlements of citizenship that sits at the heart of the
Constitution. Why, then, does the political integrity of Obama's
"race speech" rest on the foundations of such a flimsy, hackneyed
sense of history?

The genius of Obama's oration is not traceable to its racially marked
(and rather overstated) "eloquence" or any substantively original
content: rather, its profound resonance with a liberal
white/multiculturalist sensibility derives from the fact that it is an
authoritative 21st century doctrine of the "color line," a deforming
of the early 20th century DuBoisian wisdom that "the problem of the
Twentieth century is the problem of the color line," and "the social
problem of the twentieth century is to be the relation of the
civilized world to the dark races of mankind."

"On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my
candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's
based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial
reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we've heard my former
pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express
views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but
views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our
nation; that rightly offend white and black alike."

While for DuBois, the color line would be understood as a primary site
of political antagonism in the emergent "American Century," Obama
posits the contemporary color line—his "racial divide"—as the terrain
of the American nation's neoliberal, post-civil rights perfection, the
culmination of its progressive national telos, and the place of
fulfillment for an authentic national culture of "unity." In this
context, his disavowal of Rev. Wright not only marked Obama's
electoral phobia of Black liberationist political affinities, it
clearly pronounced his solidarity with a liberal racist consensus:

"[Wright's comments] expressed a profoundly distorted view of this
country—a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates
what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with
America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted
primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of
emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.

"As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive,
divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when
we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems—two
wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care
crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are
neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that
confront us all."

At the risk of some oversimplification, the political logic is clear:
some lives and destinies matter dearly, while others must be
neutralized, disciplined, or decisively ended; radical antiracism and
liberationist struggle are the bane of national unity, and can only
disturb the seamless progress of the diverse nation toward resolution
of its "monumental problems."

"This is the political condition of possibility for the opening lines
of the victory speech that arrived in storybook fashion just days ago:

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place
where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our
founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our
democracy, tonight is your answer."

The euphoria of the moment allowed far too many to happily surrender
any political and moral revulsion at this invocation of the Founding
Fathers, and pushed far too few to seriously consider what, exactly,
animated the founders' nation-building dream and what it might mean
for someone like Obama to valorize it. In the end, however, my
concern is not with Barack Obama the politician, but rather with the
emerging liberal multiculturalist common sense that assembles its
points of optimistic compromise and political enthusiasm in alliance
with the reforming and re-visioning of classical white supremacy that
the Obama campaign and administration represent.

While the historical trajectory and political structure of U.S. white
supremacist nation-building will not be substantively altered, its
explanatory rhetoric, institutional appearance, and resurfaced racial
personage has generated a sweeping political sentimentality and
popular cultural narrative of progress, hope, change, and racially
marked nationalist optimism. And what do these things mean, really,
in the age of Katrina, the prison industrial complex, and the War on
Terror?

At best, when the U.S. nation building project is not actually engaged
in genocidal, semi-genocidal, and proto-genocidal institutional and
military practices against the weakest, poorest, and darkest—at home
and abroad—it massages and soothes the worst of its violence with
banal gestures of genocide management. As these words are being
written, Obama and his advisors are engaged in intensive high-level
meetings with the Bush administration's national security experts.
The life chances of millions are literally being classified and
encoded in portfolios and flash drives, traded across conference
tables as the election night hangover subsides. For those whose
political identifications demand an end to this historical conspiracy
of violence, and whose social dreams are tied to the abolition of the
U.S. nation building project's changing and shifting (but durable and
indelible) attachments to the logic of genocide, this historical
moment calls for an amplified, urgent, and radical critical
sensibility, not a multiplication of white supremacy's "hope."

Posted at 12:20 PM, Nov 10, 2008 in Obama | Permalink | View Comments


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Comments

So, is this blog, on the whole, about fighting racism with racism? I'm having trouble understanding just what you've written, rather than chalk it up to my lack of intellectual prowess; I'll go ahead and attribute it to sentences lasting an entire paragraph. Why be so wordy?

I don't mean "dumb it down," I just mean the only reason to say the word "obsolescence" rather than restructuring your sentence to say the word "obsolete," is the same reason authors use French phrases in works that would have been just as well without.

Posted by: Rob | November 10, 2008 3:14 PM

I read about six paragraphs and then stopped.
I'm sick of critics dragging Obama in the dirt, prejudging him before he's even sworn into office.
It's like they want to be the first to tear him down so they can march to the spotlight and revel in their cynicism.
No one man can solve all of a nation's problems, especially a nation currently struggling as much as we are now.
Maybe he won't change a thing. Maybe he'll change everything. Most likely, though, he'll change some things and not others.
Bottom line: I know he's no miracle worker, but let's wait and see what he does as President before we crucify this modern day Jesus.

Posted by: Omar | November 11, 2008 12:45 PM

I would encourage those who left negative comments to go back and read it in its entirety and struggle through the parts that may be difficult. Personally I did have to use an online dictionary - and am glad that regardless of whether I agree or not I learned something by reading this. As for the content this article was the best commentary on the election all season and is a devastating critique of the spectacle of Obama's victory. I am sure that it is already working to strengthen white supremacist hegemony. We need to Want More people, hope is not enough.

Posted by: SA | November 11, 2008 2:18 PM

I'm sorry, but this type of academic cynicism makes me embarrassed about being within the "ivory tower" that people rightly complain about. Who exactly are you invoking as "happily surrendering" their politics just because Obama got to power? To the contrary, the Obama presidency is an icon of an opportunity that has been opened to demand change from the government, not to become complacent. Or do you assume that change is impossible? Your narrative claiming that everything will remain the same no matter who is in power seems to belie the very transience of history. In my opinion, you have plenty of "pessimism of the intellect" but not enough "optimism of the will," as Gramsci well pointed out.

You are also forgetting Obama is a politician, and as such he could not afford to blast the "Founding Fathers" in his speech. I give him enough credit for questioning the narrative of their infallibility and the mythos of "pulling yourself up by your own bootstraps" that underlies the American capitalist dream. Yes, US nation-building has too much momentum to stop in one presidency, but that does not mean that having leaders who have questioned its efficiency is meaningless. Should we condemn Obama's aim to close Guantanamo as further proof of his neoliberal, multicultural support for white supremacy? I feel your simplistic reading of Obama's words as in "solidarity with a liberal racist consensus" is, to say the least, politically naive. Wake up and smell the coffee!

Posted by: Alvaro | November 11, 2008 7:04 PM

I know there is much to celebrate with an Obama presidency. But still, it's sad to me that we have become so resigned to the status quo that we will celebrate and worship a return to centrist Clintonian politics. I think that on top of all the more concrete devastations, that is the worst of Bush's legacy. The first time I read this, I felt a deep self-aggrandizing satisfaction in my own cynicism--a disgusting feeling of congratulating myself for having the right radical credentials. But the second time I read it, I read the words of someone who still dared to dream. I saw not cynicism so much as a sincerity of belief in and dedication to creating a world without prisons, without police, without imperialism, and without all other forms of genocide and caging. Isn't that worth investing our power, our dreams, our hopes in more than a Black president at the helm of the machine?

Posted by: Stacie | November 11, 2008 7:13 PM

"this historical moment calls for an amplified, urgent, and radical critical
sensibility, not a multiplication of white supremacy's "hope.""

Great article. I agree with everything but certain aspects of the tone. What we truly need is an amplified, urgent, and radical critical sensibility that is also a multiplication of ITS hope. The "dreadful genius of the Obama moment"-- maybe. But there is actual (not just sentimental) hope too, in this moment. Change has happened, historically, in many different ways, some of it even through that deeply flawed body we call a democracy. Now, more than ever, we need a radical critique that is not merely reactionary, but both incisive and IMAGINATIVE: that sees the moment in terms of its constructive possibilities as well as its "being problematic." You write: "The political work of liberation from racist state
violence—and everything it sanctions and endorses, from premature
death to poverty—becomes more complex, contradictory, and difficult
now." I agree. And I would encourage us all to look at this increasing complexity not as dangerous, but as a gift--it means this conversation, even already, is reaching new ground.

Posted by: Adam Roberts | November 11, 2008 7:29 PM

i think, the main point of Dr. Rodríguez's article is that the structures of violence that we survive and oppose go beyond questions of who is in the presidency. his argument is that we should organize our politics in opposition to the war-making state and its agents. he calls on us to demand changes we want, not the Changes (TM) we think we can get. i for one am not interested "genocide management," as a political project. but i think now, more than ever we must confront what the state is and what it is meant to do-- kill people.

Posted by: ds | November 11, 2008 8:59 PM

I agree. This is a really thoughtful analysis of the election. No one is trying to tear down Obama. Rather the article was precisely about that - he won't fail or succeed as president...he will just be... a president. The article is more about us and what Obama represents to us. Since he is going to be merely a president (perhaps a popular, intelligent, articulate and diplomatice one at that) and not the revolutionary or transcendent figure some portrayed him to be, we all have a choice. Do those of us whose political allegiances bind us to radical liberation struggles surrender and join forces to liberal multiculturalism just because its face has changed? The problems before us have not vanished but, as Cornel West said, they are merely colored with a new hue.

There is one tiny issue I took with this article (as someone who did cry on election night at the sight of seeing so many others crying at seeing the dream of an entire movement being realized). Rodriguez's analysis of the More Perfect Union speech is an interesting one. I didn't take it as a disavowal of Reverend Wright at all. Rather than disavowing, Obama stood up and explained. Rodriguez is correct, however, in noting that implicit in Obama's explanation of Wright is agreement and apology, which does end up painting the Reverend as a caricature.

I appreciate this article, though, for mainting clarity and a sense of purpose amongst the euphoria.

Posted by: LR | November 12, 2008 12:08 AM

The nation is a cancer. It destroys and there is not nation, on the planet, that does not. There are no leaders without blood on their hands.

We cannot forget that we must always push against the comforts of the nation (even when that comfort is a "liberal" multiculturalism) in order to contest it. What would the post-national world look like? I don't know and none of us ever will if we do not critique and agitate against the soft and hard parts of the national body.

Shall we let this body die? Do we administer chemotherapy and excise the tumor? This is the fundamental subtext of this article. Furthermore, how do we feel about that death when we are the hands and the fingers and the toes and feet of that body?

I don't see Obama as a curative. I see him, instead, as remedial bridge from one state to the next. Yes, under ANY President the United States will have blood on its hands, domestically and internationally. But had Al Gore been the President over the past 8 years, we would never have gone into Iraq. Would that make us innocent and pure? No. What nation is?

These differences matter to me. I will work and critique and agitate and see any President, including an Obama Presidency, for what it is. At the same time, the lives of millions of Iraqis that could have been saved, and perhaps now will be saved, is not small thing. It is not helpful to our cause to dismiss the saving of those lives as mere "genocidal management." I realize that people will still die and be imprisoned. But lives will also be saved because Obama is the President and not John McCain. Just ask Iranians how they feel about that distinction.

I think we must do what we do--resist. But we cannot allow our critique to elide the fact that while the structure of the oppressive nation is intact, and that Obama will do little to undo that, he will conduct the business of American politics in a way that could mean millions of children will have their parents and their future.

Posted by: Prof678910 | November 12, 2008 11:50 AM

Dr. Rodriguez makes a good point, but I think the inaccessibility of his writing is a detraction. Many people are excluded from considering his arguments because of the way he structures his sentences and his choice of words, which is ironic considering what he is writing about. Those who come from poor and working class backgrounds are the first to be excluded from his analysis because they are less likely to have access to quality educational experiences, but this means that many people of Color are also left out of the conversation. Perhaps, he intends for a select group of people to be able to really understand what he is saying? It is interesting that so many comments are about trying to decipher what he saying.

That said, I agree with Alvaro. It is important to consider the political concessions that must be made in order to be elected president. We won't know what Obama will do until he is in office, and for all we know, we may finally have a president who is willing to consider radical views.

Posted by: M | November 12, 2008 10:09 PM

Obama is not the product of a movement in any sense of the word. He's a politician. It's important to remind people that he will be a disappointment in terms of truly radical change. If this article is just meant to be a corrective to the current narrative, more power to the writer. But in terms of actual movement-building it's also important that Rodriguez mention something about how electoral politics is not really the best area in which to begin seeking social change, that it needs to start with informing regular folks about their options in terms of governance and how their daily lives connect with decisions made in DC. I agree w/ the commenter M re the language of this piece: if the writer is seeking to inform, chances are the people who understand what he's saying already agree in some way. It's just too inaccessible and downright negative in terms of inspiring people to believe that they can have power over their own fates.

In the meantime, is the writer suggesting that the poor/working class/people of color stay away from mainstream government in order to prevent it from being legitimized by their presence?

Thanks --

Posted by: Paula | November 15, 2008 10:13 PM

It surprises me that on the night of November 4, when I watched Obama's victory speech, I found myself crying. Intellectually, I knew that Obama was becoming part of the same political system, the same state, that is incarcerating and waging war on so many people.

But against my will, I cried. Is it because he recognized me, a queer person, as part of an American community that includes queers, third world nations, aliens and outcasts? He did not use those words, but my ears heard them somehow.

Is it because he talked about America as an unfinished democratic project, a nation that still needs to reckon with the history of slavery, a nation that can and will and must reckon with the history of slavery? (although he failed to mention so many other forms of state-sponsored terror and racism that are far from over).

No, that's not it. I cried because the day before the election, people who usually look at me on the street and see that queer person looked at me and saw a fellow citizen who was going to join them in electing a new president. People who usually look at me as that white person from the white neighborhood from the white university looked at me as part of a black, white, latino, citywide coalition that was about do something together.

Would I like to build community around a more radical political project than electing a neoliberal/centrist president? Yes. But for now, let my body release tears of relief as it remembers a few days, november 3, november 4, november 5, 2008, when it could walk across a city as if all of the fences and checkpoints were falling down. Let my eyes remember a few days when they did not look away in shame.

Let my body remember that sensation, so that it can move again like that, into much more radical political futures.

Posted by: MF | November 20, 2008 2:54 PM

the import of this analysis is that white supremacy is not about white people: people of color can be-and sometimes are to a much deeper extent-wrapped up in defending white supremacist structures and configurations. in fact, the hegemons depend on it.

and this is part of the struggle. getting people to realize that the language of multiculturalist white supremacy is not about being inflammatory, but about historical and material specificity. white folks and people of color have a hard time with this.

Posted by: OS | November 21, 2008 9:44 AM

The following short article is from the website www.revcom.us (Revolution newspaper). I thought it may add to the conversation here about Dr. Rodriguez's very thoughtful and timely essay, maybe as a "reality check" for people who refuse to put on their critical thinking long enough to consider his well articulated position.
__________________________


A “post racial” America?

There is much hope among Black people broadly, as well as among many people of other nationalities, that the election of Barack Obama has brought a “new day” for the situation that African Americans face. A hope that with a Black President in the White House, there will be a major course change in the long, ugly history of racism and white supremacy in this country, which has meant so much brutality and suffering for Black people, from the days of slavery up to today. You could see this hope in the faces of hundreds of thousands of people who gathered at Grant Park in Chicago on election night for Obama’s victory rally—a huge multi-national gathering in one of the most segregated cities in the U.S. But on that same night, in the same city, there were vicious reminders that this is still America.

In Chicago’s West Side, Christina Ballard and Cornelius Voss were driving home on election night with young family members when white cops in unmarked vehicles came up alongside their car. According to a federal lawsuit filed by the family, when the children in the car cheered for Obama through the open car windows, the cops yelled “white power” and “n****r” and sprayed pepper spray into the car.

Also on election night, a group of family members, all under 18, were celebrating outside a West Side house when several cops discharged pepper spray near them. When the youth fled into the house, the armed cops battered down the front door, knocked down several people inside, and shouted racist insults. Niger Arnold, 31, was visiting her mother at the house, after spending the day working at a polling place. She told the Associated Press, “My mom’s blood pressure went sky-high. I couldn’t breathe. I was scared.”

Did Obama denounce these outrages by racist police in his “home city”? No. Did he speak out this summer when the Chicago police went on a murderous rampage, shooting 12 people (all Black and Latino) over a 3-week period, killing 6? No.

On the contrary, last April, when a New York judge acquitted cops who fired 50 shots at Sean Bell, a 23-year-old Black man, and killed him just hours before his scheduled wedding, Obama said, “We respect the verdict that came down.” At the same time, he warned people who were outraged by the verdict that “resorting to violence to express displeasure over a verdict is something that is completely unacceptable and counterproductive.”

A “new day” for Black people now that Obama has been elected? The cold truth is that the oppression of Black people is a major pillar of the capitalist-imperialist America—and this will continue as long as this system is in effect, no matter who is in the White House.

Posted by: Dolly Veale | November 22, 2008 9:31 PM

Please see , www.discussrace.com

Thank you , Peace .

Posted by: Dave Myers | April 9, 2009 5:58 AM